英文摘要

03Russia’sEconomicDiplomacyintheMiddleEastandtheReshapingofGreatPowerStatus

AbstractEconomic diplomacy has long occupied an important position in Russia’s foreign policy and is also an important part of Russia’s Middle East policy. After the end of the Cold War, Russia’s relations with Middle East countries became quiet for a time. After Putin came to power, Russia’s economic diplomatic goals in the Middle East gradually became clear, and a policy system dominated by energy and financing cooperation was formed. After the crisis in Ukraine, facing the dual pressure of falling international oil prices and Western sanctions, Russia used its historical heritage and strategic resources in the Middle East to give full play to the advantages of economic diplomacy and build its relations with the Middle East from three dimensions of global, regional and bilateral levels. In recent years, Russia has been deeply involved in regional hotspot issues such as the Syrian crisis, and its economic diplomacy goals in the Middle East have also been adjusted. That is, while achieving economic goals, it has also paid more attention to reconstructing its status as a great power through energy cooperation with Middle East countries. The Middle East is increasingly becoming a strategic location for Russia to counter Western economic sanctions, affect international energy markets, and enhance the regional influence and reshaping the status of major power.

KeyWordsRussia’s Middle East Policy; Economic Diplomacy; Energy Cooperation; Great Power Status

AuthorWEI Min, Professor, The Institute of West Asian and African Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.

23OnIsrael’sPolicytowardsKurds:Basedon“PeripheralStrategy”

AbstractIsraeli government formulated and implemented the “peripheral strategy” in order to break the siege and isolation Arab countries posed. Successive Israeli governments have attached great importance to developing relations with the Kurds as an important part of the “peripheral strategy”. Israel has adopted different policies towards the Kurds in different countries, mainly focusing on Iraqi Kurds with overt supporting policies, while taking cautious and other policies towards the other Kurds generally shows the various characteristics. Israel has kept a long-term strategic interaction with the Kurds. Although the Kurdish issue will remain complex and multilateral as well in the future, Israel will continue to adhere to the principle of the supremacy of national interests, deepen the ideological layout of the “peripheral strategy”, and flexibly adjust Kurdish policy.

KeyWordsIsrael; “Peripheral Strategy”; Kurds; Kurdish Policy

AuthorsWANG Bo, Professor, Middle East Studies Institute, Shanghai International Studies University; LI Jingjing, Ph.D candidate, Middle East Studies Institute & School of International Relations and Public Affairs, Shanghai International Studies University.

42ThePracticeandProspectsofChina’sParticipationintheMiddleEastRefugeeGovernance

AbstractSince the emergence of the Palestinian refugee problem in 1948, the refugee issue has been a major problem that has plagued the Middle East for a long time, and has gradually become a global challenge. As one of important participants in Middle East affairs, China has always adhered to humanitarian principles and actively participated in the refugee governance in the Middle East. At the same time, China emphasizes addressing the refugee issue on both symptoms and root causes. In practice, China mainly provides multilateral and bilateral humanitarian assistance to international organizations and related countries, focusing on aid for food, medical care and living supplies to refugees from Syria, Iraq and Palestine. The advantages of China’s participation in the refugee governance in the Middle East are friendly and stable political relations with Middle Eastern countries, growing economic ties, and cooperative relations with international humanitarian agencies such as UNHCR. However, China is also facing pressure from the international community to assume more international responsibilities, and it is also constrained by insufficient governance experience and capacity.

KeyWordsChina; Middle East Refugee Affairs; Refugee Governance

AuthorsXING Xinyu, Assistant Professor, School of International Relations, Beijing International Studies University; YU Zhen, Assistant Professor, School of Marxism, Xiangtan University.

60OnPrivateSectorandSocialStratumStructureintheContemporaryEgypt

AbstractThe structural imbalance of the private sector in contemporary Egypt is relatively serious. The informal sector is too large, the number and employment ratio of formal small and medium-sized private enterprises are low. The capital scale is very small and the production technology is backward. The frustrated development of small and medium-sized private sector leads to the poor effect of market-oriented transformation and exacerbates the social dichotomy. The development achievement of private sector has been stolen by Egypt’s large merchant class and upper bureaucracy. It is difficult for the broad middle and lower classes to share the benefits of market reform, and their living conditions and social stratum have not been improved. In the future, the Sisi’s government should comprehensively improve the governance capacity and take the path of inclusive and sustainable development as their only choice.

KeyWordsMarket Transition; Contemporary Egypt; Private Sector; Social Structure

AuthorsCHEN Yong，Ph.D. Candidate，Graduate School，Chinese Academy of Social Sciences；BI Jiankang，Ph.D., Professor, Institute of History, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.

80AComparativeStudyofArabSocialismofMichelAflaqandGamalAbdelNasser

AbstractMichel Aflaq, one of the founders of the Arab Ba’ath Party, and former Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser proposed different ideas of Arab socialism. Aflaq’s Arab socialism characterized by economic thoughts aims to mobilize the lower and middle classes of society to carry out the Arab national revolution. Nasser’s Arab socialism is both an economic and social system and the foundation of its political democracy, which aims to eliminate colonial traces and traditional forces in the economic and social relations of Egypt, in order to get rid of the backwardness of the country. It draws on the theoretical and practical experience of former Yugoslav President Josip Broz Tito socialism and former Indian Jawaharlal Nehru socialism, and evolves into the political legitimacy basis of authoritarian rule in practice.

KeyWordArab Socialism; Michel Aflaq; Gamal Abdel Nasser

AuthorZHAO Xi, Ph.D. candidate, Arabic Department, School of Asian and African Studies, Shanghai International Studies University.

98TheEvolutionoftheArabPatronateSystemandItsContemporaryImpact

AbstractPatronate has long been existed in Arabian society. It not only determines the status of migrant population and their living conditions, but also influences the survival and development of Arab groups and their interrelationships between Arabs and immigrants to a certain extent. Since the 7th century AD, the patronate has gradually changed from tribal customs to formal legal norms in terms of its content and form, and pax-Islam involving religion, society, and international relations has also been gradually established in this context.The Arabs had hoped to use the patronate to maintain their dominance during the obscurity period. However, the ethnic integration in the Middle East and the dependence of Arab rulers on immigrants have changed the mutual status of Arabs and immigrants, and the social status of the latter had been rising. Although the importance of the patronate has declined greatly with the historical changes of the Arab society, the patronate concept still affects the political development and the formation of social trends in Arab countries to a great extent.

KeyWordsPatronate; Subsidiary; Mawla; Pax Islam

AuthorLI Weihua, Ph. D., Lecturer, School of Marxism, Guangdong University of Technology.

115AnAnalysisoftheDe-extremizationinSub-SaharaAfrica

AbstractThe de-extremization in Sub-Saharan Africa has experienced a development process from non-military reformation to military attack, and then to various-area governance. During the Cold War, Sub-Saharan African states sought to incorporate the emerging Islamic extremism organizations into their domestic institutions. Since “9·11” attacks, with the US “War on Terrorism” heavily involved in Sub-Saharan Africa, the process of de-radicalization in the region has been simplified to counter-terrorism. Since 2010, Sub-Saharan African states have refocused their de-extremization programs beyond military means, introducing a series of new legal, educational and socio-economic initiatives, and showing a trend of de-extremization in the whole field. In Sub-Saharan Africa, the de-extremism in the whole field does not exclude the possibility of reaching reconciliation on the basis of good and evil discrimination and exploring the possibility of forgiveness and compromise. Its practical experience has achieved certain results.

KeyWordsSub-Saharan Africa; Islamic Extremism; De-extremism; Counter-terrorism

AuthorsWANG Tao, Professor, Centre of African Studies of Yunnan University; LI Jie, Postgraduate, Centre of African Studies of Yunnan University.

137TheDevelopmentHistory,InfluenceandCruxofWesternSaharaIssue

AbstractWestern Sahara issue is a protracted and unresolved problem in north Africa, and its essence lies in the long-term conflict and struggle caused by the difficulty in resolving the permanent status of Western Sahara. The issue has gone through complicated historical evolution which includes different stages of anti-colonial struggle, armed conflict and political settlement. The long-term existence of the issue is driven by historical, political, economic motives, and it is the result of colonialism, power politics, regional game and interest pursuit. Given the increasing resistance to the settlement and lack of practical impetus for conflict resolution, prospects for a solution of the issue remain bleak. The issue has led to a series of negative effects, which affecting regional peace and development. Therefore, it is urgent to push it for a fair and just solution.

KeyWordsWestern Sahara; Morocco; Plisario Front; Conflict Resolution

AuthorLU Qiuyi, Ph.D. Candidate, School of International Relations and Public Affairs, Middle East Studies Institute, Shanghai International Studies University.