英文目录英文摘要

JOURNALOFINTERNATIONALRELATIONS

(No.5.2020)

Contents

FeatureArticle

3 US-Russia Competition in Syria

Abstract: The Syrian Civil War is a typical proxy war between the US and Russia. The US and most western countries supported the Syrian rebels while Russia lent aid to the government led by Bashar Assad. The interests of the US and Russia came into conflict with each other in the Syrian Civil War. The political transition required by the Syrian opposition is in line with the interests and values of the US, but it will deprive Russia of its last stronghold in the Middle East. Therefore, Russia will continue to support Assad’s regime in order to retain this important stronghold in the Middle East and the Mediterranean region. However, it does not mean that the US and Russia do not have common interests, which can be mainly reflected in three aspects, namely anti-terrorism, ending humanitarian disasters and seeking a political solution to the civil war. Through “chemical weapons for peace” and military intervention in the Syrian Civil War, Russia gained the upper hand in the competition. Moreover, Russia played a key role in handling important events in the Middle East for the first time during the post-Soviet period and emerged from the shadow of the Crimean crisis to a certain extent.

Keywords: Syria, US-Russia competition, chemical weapons for peace, Russian military intervention

AbouttheAuthor: Tao Wenzhao is Honorary Member of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences and Research Fellow at the Institute of American Studies, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences.

TaoWenzhao

MajorPowerRelations

21 “Politicization of Digital Technology” and the Future Development of China-EU Relations

Abstract: Amid the profound evolution of major power relations, the rise of China’s digital technologies has been severely challenged by “politicization”. The US interpreted China’s digital technology innovation from the angle of major powers’ strategic competition and tried every means to suppress it. Driven by the market competition from China, the difference in governance models and the pressure from the US, the EU proposed a development strategy called “digital sovereignty” and aimed at reducing the dependence on external digital technologies and enhancing strategic autonomy. “Politicization of digital technology” will strengthen the European protectionism and hinder the China-EU trade and investment cooperation from deepening; the China-EU technological and economic cooperation will also be disrupted by institutional differences; the EU’s China policy tend to be affected by the US’s strategy. Therefore, China and the EU need to strengthen strategic dialogues. On the basis of respecting digital sovereignty, both sides should abandon the mentality of “technological cold war”, resist the negative impact of economic nationalism on the global economic recovery during the post-pandemic period, improve the investment environment as well as pragmatically push forward the economic and technological cooperation and digital governance cooperation for mutual interests and benefits.

Keywords: politicization of digital technology, digital sovereignty, strategic autonomy, China-EU relations

AbouttheAuthor: Cui Hongwei is Research Fellow at the Institute of International Relations, Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences.

CuiHongwei

41 American Political Warfare amid the Major Power Competition

Abstract: Political warfare can be seen as a reasonable application of Clausewitz’s views on war during the peacetime and an important weapon adopted by the US to plunge into international political struggles. As pointed out by George F. Kennan, a well-organized political warfare is the key to victory in the context of “no war between great powers”. The essence of political warfare is to influence the target country through “all means other than war” in terms of the emotions, motivations, goal setting and behaviors of the leaders, elites and the public for the sake of the national interests of the country launching the political warfare. After the Cold War, the US placed less emphasis on political warfare. However, after the Trump administration confirmed the competition among major powers as a top priority for national security in 2017, the political warfare of the US became active again, especially in its policy towards China. At present, the US has not yet formed a consensus political warfare against China and its core allies are still hesitating. China can take asymmetric strategic measures to prevent the US’s political warfare against China from consolidating and escalating.

Keywords: major power competition, political warfare, US’s China policy

AbouttheAuthor: Tang Jian is Assistant Research Fellow at the Institute of International Strategic Studies, Party School of the Central Committee of C.P.C.

TangJian

69 A Dynamic Analysis of the US’s Presence against China in the Maritime “Gray Zone” during the COVID-19 Pandemic

Abstract: The US military has experienced three stages during the COVID-19 pandemic, namely beginning, outbreak and recovery. After making great efforts to fight the pandemic, the US military has basically recovered its military capabilities and accumulated rich experience in responding to the pandemic, which means that it will not be paralyzed by the impact of the pandemic again. At different stages of COVID-19 pandemic, the US has taken differentiated action against China in the maritime “gray zone” of the South China Sea and the broader Indo-Pacific waters. As the US military recovers from the pandemic, the US’s presence against China in the maritime “gray zone” is rising and also expanding to ideology, preparation for conflict between major powers and Russification. At a deeper level, the South China Sea issue is turning into a domestic political issue in the US. The US’s maritime security policy toward China resembles a cold war and may break the tacit agreement of not using force directly.

Keywords: COVID-19 Pandemic, gray zone, dynamic analysis, US Navy, Maritime Security

AbouttheAuthor: Chen Yong is Assistant Research Fellow at the Institute of International Relations, Shanghai Academy of Social sciences.

ChenYong

InternationalRelationsTheory

94 System Effects and Systemic Consequences of Institutional Interaction

—Discussion of Possibilities of International Institutional Systems

Abstract: Institutional interaction does not occur in the same way as atomic institutional arrangements. Without the intermediary role of the international institutional system which constitute the macro-social relations among the institutions, regulate the interaction process, and select the interaction results, the so-called institutional interaction can not be carried out or recognized by observers and the results of the interaction will not be retained in an institutionalized form. The dependence of institutional interaction on the basic structure and other institutional arrangements makes the interaction itself contribute to the reproduction of the institutional system unintentionally. Institutional interaction also provides internal impetus for the continuous evolution of the system, thus enhancing the fluidity, flexibility and environmental adaptability of the system. Therefore, the international institutional system has achieved a dynamic balance between maintaining its own stability and predictability and reflecting changes in the operation environment.

Keywords: international institutional system, basic structure, institutional interaction

AbouttheAuthor: Ma Jun is Associate Research Fellow at the School of International Relations and Public Affairs of Shanghai International Studies University.

MaJun

RegionalStudies------

114 Modi Government’s Approach to China and China’s Response

—Analysis Based on the Superposition of India’s Major Power Ambitions and Weak Nation Mentalities Facing China

Abstract: Since the foundation, India has gradually formed the mentalities of being a major power, a global pole and a leading power in the world. Faced with China, it has also formed the weak nation mentalities of feeling betrayed and threatened, falling behind and resorting to trade conservatism. Nation mentality is the foundation of national diplomatic measures. Modi government’s approach to China is based on the superposition of the six mentalities above. In order to achieve its ambition of becoming a world leader, Modi government actively cooperates with China on issues such as maintaining stability in the periphery, promoting the reform in the international order and pushing forward global governance. At the same time, it is also competing with China on issues such as regional influence. Under the influence of the weak nation mentalities, Modi government has guarded against or confronted China on issues such as economic trade, territorial disputes and national security. Modi government can realize its major power ambitions only by maintaining the stability of Sino-Indian relations. China and India should work together to prevent the mentalities of India from undermining the stability of the two countries and also safeguard the stable bilateral relations.

Keywords: India, major power ambition, weak nation mentality, mixed mentalities

AbouttheAuthors: Guo Bingyun is Lecturer at the School of International Relations of Sichuan International Studies University; Zhuo Xuchun is Lecturer at the Ideological and Political Department of Guangxi University of Finance and Economics.

GuoBingyunandZhuoXuchun

China’sDiplomacy----

134 Analysis of China’s Consular Protection amid the COVID-19 Pandemic

Abstract: COVID-19 pandemic has a noticeable impact on the Middle East. The conflicts, poverty and public health governance problems have been plaguing the Middle East one after another. Those countries in the region are faced with various challenges such as economic recession, surge of unemployment, difficult public livelihood and the revival of extremist organizations. Chinese citizens and Chinese-funded enterprises in this region also face a variety of risks and challenges. In order to strengthen the consular protection in the Middle East, the Chinese government has adhered to the “people-oriented” principle, cooperate shoulder to shoulder with Middle Eastern countries to fight the pandemic and fulfill its vision of building a community with a shared future for mankind through concrete action. All sides, including central ministries and commissions, local governments, embassies and consulates abroad, enterprises and overseas Chinese communities, have made joint efforts towards consular protection in line with China’s diplomatic policy. They also actively provide public goods to prevention and control pandemic in the Middle East and prevent the “politicization of the pandemic” and “labeling of the virus”. The continuous innovation of China’s consular protection mechanism in the Middle East and the continuous enrichment of the concepts and essence of consular protection are of great practical significance to establishing an overseas security system.

Keywords: COVID-19 Pandemic, China’s Middle East diplomacy, anti-pandemic cooperation, consular protection

AbouttheAuthors: Zhang Dandan is Doctoral Candidate at the School of International Relations and Public Affairs and the Middle East Studies Institute of Shanghai International Studies University; Sun Degang is Research Fellow at the Institute of International Studies, Fudan University.

ZhangDandanandSunDegang