Abstracts

03RegionalGovernanceandtheResponsibilityofMajorPower:China’sAnti-PandemicCooperationintheMiddleEast

AbstractChina’s anti-pandemic diplomacy in the Middle East is an important part of China’s health diplomacy in the region. It is an important key in building a community with a shared future between China and the Middle East, enriching the diplomatic practice of major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics. China’s anti-pandemic diplomacy in the Middle East is carried out in the form of high-level guidance, material assistance, and achievement sharing. It has the characteristics of top-level design, people-oriented, diversified participating actors, and adhering to multilateralism. The practice of anti-epidemic diplomacy in the Middle East is not only a need for China to demonstrate its responsibility as a great power and safeguard China’s interests in the Middle East, but also a drive for China to actively participate in regional governance. It is not only in line with the demands of Middle East countries for China to strengthen its role in the region, but also can highlight China’s image as a responsible power, so as to strengthen the partnership network with Middle East countries, and, promote the construction of China and the Middle East health community and community with a shared future. Although China’s anti-pandemic diplomacy in the Middle East has been negatively affected by the Sino-US strategic competition, the politicization of anti-epidemic diplomacy and the “vaccine alliance” led by the US, there is still enough policy space for China’s major-country diplomacy in the Middle East.

KeyWordsChina’s Anti-Pandemic Cooperation in the Middle East; Community with a Shared Future for Mankind; Responsibility of Major Powers; Sino-US Strategic Competition

AuthorsLIU Shengxiang, Ph.D., Professor, Middle East Studies Institute, Shanghai International Studies University; LI Yunpeng, Ph.D. Candidate, School of International Relations and Public Affairs, Middle East Studies Institute, Shanghai International Studies University.

22AStudyonMedicalandHealthCooperationBetweenChinaandAlgeria

AbstractThe medical and health cooperation between China and Algeria has a special position in the history of Chinese public health diplomacy. The medical and health cooperation between the two countries can be divided into three stages. In the first stage, starting from the principle of internationalism, China sent aid medical teams to Algeria in the early days of its independence, which became the beginning of China’s foreign medical and health cooperation. In the second stage, the national conditions of China and Algeria have changed, and the medical and health cooperation mode between the two countries has entered a period of adjustment and reform. In the third stage, the two countries strengthened cooperation under the framework of the “Healthy Silk Road” and jointly promoted the construction of a health community. The medical and health cooperation between China and Algeria has opened up the mode of China’s foreign medical cooperation, reflecting its a strong international humanitarian spirit. Chinese medicine has become the key area of cooperation between the two sides, and the related cooperation is shifting from one-way assistance to two-way mutual assistance. Sino-Algerian medical and health cooperation has improved the health status of local people, promoted the exchanges between the two peoples, set a good example for the international community in public health cooperation, and has important reference significance for improving and perfecting the global health governance system.

KeyWordsChina; Algeria; Medical and Health Cooperation; Chinese Medical Teams

AuthorsCI Zhigang, Ph.D., Professor, College of Law and History, Inner Mongolia Minzu University; MA He, Master Candidate, College of Law and History, Inner Mongolia Minzu University.

38AnAnalysisoftheRoleofQatar’sMediationDiplomacyfromAfghanistanUpheaval

AbstractQatar’s mediation diplomacy has played an important role in the political upheaval in Afghanistan. Qatar allowed the Afghan Taliban to set up a diplomatic mission in Doha, and facilitated a peace deal between the US and the Taliban. After the upheavals in Afghanistan, Qatar assisted American personnel to evacuate, and launched out intensive diplomatic mediation, and became a bridge between Afghan provisional government and the outside world. Qatar’s motives for actively engaging in Afghanistan’s mediation diplomacy include: transforming oil and gas wealth into international influence, adopting the bandwagoning strategy to strengthen the alliance between Qatar and the US, supporting the Taliban and promoting Islamist ideology, implementing the national brand strategy to enhance soft power and improve international influence. Qatar’s mediation diplomacy has brought inspiration to the diplomacy of small countries, but it also shows significant limitations, such as the lack of a long-term and effective mechanism to consolidate the positive outcome of mediation, the inconsistency between domestic and foreign policies, as well as the risk of being exposed to adverse effects.

KeyWordsQatar; Afghanistan’s Upheavals; Afghan Taliban; Mediation Diplomacy

AuthorsDING Long, Ph.D., Professor, Middle East Studies Institute, Shanghai International Studies University; LI Nan, Ph.D. Candidate, School of Foreign Studies, University of International Business and Economics.

57AssessingontheRelationBetweentheMuslimWorldLeagueandSaudiArabia

AbstractBased on the institutional and structural connection between Islam and state powers, international Islamic non-governmental organizations have a very close relationship with their sponsoring countries (home countries). The Muslim World League (MWL) is controlled by Saudi Arabia at all levels of capital, personnel, ideology, etc. It serves Saudi Arabia in an all-round way in terms of strategy, image and action. The MWL plays the role as an interest protector, image shaper, public opinion leader, action participant and functional undertaker of Saudi Arabia. The close relationship between the MWL and Saudi Arabia has brought positive and negative effects to both sides. On the one hand, the MWL has strong resources and strength with Saudi Arabia’s comprehensive support, but it’s non-governmental attributes and independence are weakened at the same time, which caused the fact that the MWL is unable to maintain a neutral position, and has an obvious political and religious biases. It reduces the credibility of the MWL, and makes the MWL relatively closed and conservative to some extent, which finally leads to the difficulty of its reform. On the other hand, relying on its status as a non-governmental organization, the MWL has played a special role in developing up diplomatic space, reducing moral pressure and enhancing national soft power. However, the strong religious attribute, Saudi Arabia’s bias and some rumors related to terrorism have brought troubles to the national image of Saudi Arabia. In the future, MWL’s development depends on its choice on how to handles its relationship with Saudi Arabia. On the basis of Saudi resources, it should strengthen its subjectivity, independence, neutrality, credibility, and deal with the relationship between its political power and clerical power, religious conservatism and secular modernization, the Islamic world and the Western world in detail.

KeyWordsMuslim World League; International Islamic Non-governmental Organization; Saudi Arabia; Ethiopia

AuthorHE Siyu, Ph. D., Assistant Professor, Institute for China’s Overseas Interests, Shenzhen University.

76AnAnalysisoftheSpaceCooperationModeBetweentheUnitedArabEmiratesandJapanfromthePerspectivesofCooperativeGame

AbstractIn the 21st century, space is no longer an arena exclusively reserved for a few big powers. Growing countries have shifted their sights on this field. Constrained by technological conditions, emerging countries tend to cooperate with other countries in space exploration, especially with traditional powers with technological advantages. For traditional powers, cooperation can not only promote the application of advanced technologies and bring considerable profits, but also help to improve their international influence. As a traditional big power and an emerging country in non-alliance partnership, Japan and the United Arab Emirates have certain representativeness in space cooperation. The two sides have established an all-round cooperative relationship based on research and development, personnel training and industrial revitalization at the stage of fundamental level cooperation. From the perspective of cooperative game, this paper deeply discusses the cooperation cases between Japan and the United Arab Emirates, and finds that the cutting-edge level cooperation is in line with the common demands of both sides. Although it will be affected by constraints, the cutting-edge level cooperation between the two can be realized.

KeyWordsSpace Cooperation; Cooperative Game; UAE; Japan

AuthorsGAO Wensheng, Ph.D., Professor, School of Politics and Administration, Tianjin Normal University; BI Ning, Ph.D. Candidate, School of Politics and Administration, Tianjin Normal University, Assistant, Tianjin Academy of Fine Arts.

93ARationalChoiceInstitutionalistExplanationofSaudi’sOPECPolicyAdjustment

AbstractSaudi Arabia is the leading country of OPEC, and Saudi Arabia’s OPEC policy tends to have a great influence on the direction of this organization. This research bases on Rational Choice Institutionalism view to play a role in Saudi OPEC policy changes after the 2008 financial crisis and changes in the external international political and economic situation. This research believes that the fundamental driving force for establishing “OPEC+” is to maximize the benefits of crude oil exports. Due to the 2008 financial crisis, the global energy economy and the relationship between the world’s major oil-producing countries have undergone tremendous changes. OPEC is no longer sufficient to safeguard the crude oil export interests of Saudi Arabia and other OPEC member states. These external shocks prompted Saudi Arabia to adjust its domestic oil policy, bridge the divisions within OPEC, strengthen cooperation with Russia and other non-OPEC producers, promote the establishment of “OPEC +” to reach multiple agreements on production reduction, achieve the goal of maintaining prices, so as to reduce the impact of external shocks on crude oil exports. In the future, whether it is the accelerating transformation of the global energy transformation, or the weak cooperative relations among the “OPEC+” member states, the prospects of the future “OPEC+” will still face many uncertainties. As external conditions continue to change, Saudi Arabia’s policy orientation may still face further adjustments.

KeyWordsOPEC+; Saudi Arabia; Energy Policy; Rational Choice Institutionalism; Russian Federation

AuthorLI Kunze, Ph.D. Candidate, School of International Studies, Renmin University of China.

110Egypt’sParticipationinGlobalClimateGovernance:Cognition,PracticeandMotivation

AbstractEgypt is a sensitive and significantly-affected area of global climate change. Water resources, food security, health security and socio-economic development are all negatively affected. Since the 1990s, Egypt’s cognition of climate change and climate governance has gradually deepened and its basic position on participating in global climate governance has been formed, that is, it adheres to the position of developing countries and upholds the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities with the goal of achieving sustainable development. From the perspective of domestic actions, climate governance has been integrated into Egypt’s national development strategy, a climate governance network which mobilizes and coordinates all sectors is being formed, energy transformation and industrial upgrading are on track and awareness of climate change has been popularized. From the perspective of international cooperation, Egypt supports a global climate governance system centered on the United Nations and the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change. Egypt has carried out extensive north-south cooperation and south-south cooperation in addressing climate change, and has initially explored a positive and promising path for climate diplomacy in line with national circumstances. The green development trend of the international society and domestic development and security interests have injected a strong impetus for Egypt to actively take climate action. In general, Egypt’s participation in global climate governance has achieved staged progress in idea, institution and practice, but difficulties and challenges arising from the governance environment and its own resources and capabilities still need to be overcome and resolved.

KeyWordsEgypt; Climate Change; Global Climate Governance; Green Development; Low Carbon Economy

AuthorZHAO Jing, Ph.D. Candidate, School of International Relations and Public Affairs, Fudan University.

133AReviewonArabGulfStates’GreenDevelopmentStrategy

AbstractIn recent years, Gulf states have put forward their own green development strategies and formulated systematic action plans on climate governance and energy transformation, turns out relevant construction projects have achieved certain results. The green development path of the Gulf states is based on multiple considerations, for it is not only a part of their vision of energy transformation and economic diversification, but also a necessary requirement for the construction of a new social contract, and also a way for these countries to grasp the development opportunities in international competition. Due to some fundamental difficulties such as technological restrictions, the inertia of the traditional fossil energy economic model, and the continuing Ukrainian Crisis, the prospect of green development in Gulf states still faces diverse challenges. But in the long run, the green-and-low-carbon global energy transformation will still be the mainstream trend, the overall geo-economics and geopolitical situations in the Gulf region are getting better, and new shoots of green transition are hidden in the Ukrainian Crisis. All of these factors will bring new opportunities to the green development in Gulf states.

KeyWordsGreen Development of Gulf Arab states; Energy Transition; Hydrogen Economy; Green Bonds; Ukrainian Crisis

AuthorLIU Chang, Ph. D., Assistant Research Fellow, Department for Developing Countries Studies, China Institute of International Studies.