How Media Worked in the War

Throughout the First Sino-Japanese War（1894-1895）， another war was raging quietly， removed from the smoke of gunpowder hovering over the Yellow Sea： a war of public opinion.

Compared to the Qing government， which tended to ignore public sentiment and indulge in consensus-pushing propaganda， Tokyo overwhelmingly manipulated its more modern press. As the telegraph had recently made news globalization begin to take shape， the Japanese government fully utilized block copperplate technology， traditional sketches， posters， and photography， which were all applied to various media， thus bringing public opinion under its control. Japan dominated public and global opinion through repeated propaganda， thus accelerating the defeat of Qing forces to a certain extent.

In the early stage when it blockaded Korea， Tokyo aligned its propaganda with its national strategy. It secretly hired a journalist from The New York Tribune as an advisor. After James Creelman， a journalist from New York World exposed the truth about the Port Arthur （Lushun） Massacre， Japan pushed for the publication of more favorable stories about Japan in Western newspapers， including The Washington Post， San Francisco Chronicle， and New York Times， even questioning the credibility of Creelman， while the Qing government media remained silent. The Japanese army even publicly chanted the slogan “Drive the Manchurians out of Power， Restore China” while waging the war， aiming to destroy any solidarity between the Manchurians and the Hans.

In fact， the Qing government always remained conservative when reporting news. It refused foreign military correspondents and officers access to the battlefields， adding opaqueness to the war and allowing only one Eastern voice to be heard – Japan， which led to global opinion leaning in favor of the invader.

For example， during the Battle of Pungdo， Kowshing， a British cargo ship was sunk by Japanese warships， drowning more than 1，000 Qing soldiers. The Qing government and its media didnt utter a word about the Port Arthur （Lushun） Massacre. Rather， some domestic Chinese journals simply focused on the Qing failure， inspiring sneers from foreign media.

Conversely， Tokyo mobilized almost every cog of its propaganda machine and allowed foreign military correspondents and officers to cover the war from their perspective. It also permitted other foreign correspondents to witness their efforts， such as painters， photographers， monks， and clergy， though with many restrictions， so as to make the war more “transparent.”

Statistics reveal that during the First SinoJapanese War， Japan dispatched 114 military correspondents and 15 painters and photographers， many of whom lost their lives during the war. One month after it started， 17 Western journalists obtained permission from Japan to cover the war. As Ito Hirobumi （1841-1909）， former Prime Minister of Japan， claimed， Japan already had the war half won due to support from public opinion and help from the media.

Of course， early naval battles of the steam engine era attracted close attention from Western media. The results， after all， would surely modify Western control in East Asia. Western media outlets from countries such as Britain， France， the United States， Germany， and Russia fully reported on the war. Not only did the Japanese government invite journalists from the West， but even provided them with press kits and other materials. A great number of wood blocks and photos included in this book were courtesy of Tokyo.

While offering seemingly open access to the Western media， the Japanese government also used their help in designing its propaganda. In this chapter， we will show lengthy stories about Japanese field ambulances reported by Western military correspondents， who witnessed the Japanese army providing medical treatment to Qing soldiers and then releasing them. After Ding Ruchang， captain general of the Beiyang Fleet， committed suicide， Ito Sukeyuki （1843-1914）， admiral in the Imperial Japanese Navy of Meiji-era Japan， sent his remains to the Qing government.

Such stories became supporting material for Japans overall propaganda drive.

“Such events are symbolic of Japan becoming a civilized country，” some Western sinologists opined.

Japan won the war of propaganda.

Till Then

By Han Han， Beijing Affiliated Publications，

August 2014

This is the newest work from Chinese writer Han Han since the release of his movie， The Continent. The book recounts humorous stories， starting from his childhood， revealing his dreams and life experience， as well as insights about life， new understanding of himself and how others perceive him. It also exclusively shows how Han Han transformed from a writer to a cutting-edge director， his thoughts about movies， and the entire process of shooting The Continent.

Missionary Journalist in China： Young J. Allen and His Magazines （1860-1883）

By Adrian A. Bennett， translated by Jin Ying， Guangxi Normal University Press， June 2014

Known in China as Lin Lezhi， Young John Allen was a missionary in Qing-dynasty China （1644-1911） from the American Southern Methodist Episcopal Church. He was born in 1836 in Georgia and died in 1907 in Shanghai.

The Allens arrived in Shanghai in 1860. He taught at a government school and translated for Jiangnan Machinery Manufacturing General Bureau before founding the Anglo-Chinese College in Shanghai. During his decades in China， Allen translated many books on foreign history， geography， and natural science. One of his greatest contributions was the publication of a religious weekly， Jiao Hui Xin Bao， a precursor to Wan Guo Gong Bao， or Review of the Times， which profoundly influenced the cultural communication between China and the West. As one of the most important magazines introducing the Western world to China during the late Qing Dynasty， Review provided major ideological resources for many Chinese reformers of the Self-Strengthening Movement.

This book recounts Young John Allens life between 1836 and 1883， spanning his study at Emory College， his relocation to Shanghai， his teaching experience， and his great endeavors in missionary work. It focuses on analysis of Review.

Allen worked hard to feed the ideological needs of Chinese intellectuals. He broadened the definition of Christianity and wrote heavily about religion in his Review while emphasizing the importance of development of education， science， economics， and morality. Still， he offered specific suggestions on governmental reform in realms of politics， economics， military affairs， and education.

Much of the content in this book is now being printed in China for the first time. It is by far the most authoritative publication regarding Young John Allen and his Review.