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启蒙运动进步思潮框架内的异端
——评弗格森曲线的历史进步观

2014-03-04

关键词:史论弗格森高地

姚 正 平

(北京师范大学 历史学院,北京市 100875)

启蒙运动进步思潮框架内的异端
——评弗格森曲线的历史进步观

姚 正 平

(北京师范大学 历史学院,北京市 100875)

弗格森在其史著中既肯定了历史的进步,又表现出了大量厚古薄今的观念,致使众多学者对弗格森是否是历史进步论者,展开了激烈的争论。实际上,弗格森赞成的是一种曲线型的历史进步。一些学者将弗格森这种厚古薄今的观念,归因于他有特殊的高地情结。事实上,这同他的高地背景并没有特别的联系。他的崇古抑今的观念是因其对美德的重视,而他在考察人类历史进程时,如此强调美德的作用,是同他的政治思想、他对历史的考察和苏格兰启蒙思想家对理性的态度有密切的联系的。但对美德促进的历史进步如何成为可能?弗格森并没有直接给出明确的解释。

弗格森;曲线;历史进步观;美德;高地;“野蛮民族”;“现代文明”;《文明社会史论》

是历史进步论者吗?这本应是一个很容易回答的问题,因为作为18世纪启蒙运动的著名代表人物,他本应像伏尔泰、孔多塞、康德等人一样明确表达出对千年福王国终将到来的乐观与信心,或至少要像他的同胞休谟、斯密、吉本一样,明确表达出今胜于古的乐观与肯定。然而,耐人寻味的是,尽管在其集中讨论历史进步论的《文明社会史论》中,时常可见弗格森对社会进步的肯定,但他更多地却是极力歌颂野蛮民族所具有的崇高美德,而对现代商业文明社会大加批判,以致于休谟在《论古代国家和人口稠密》中极力嘲讽的厚古薄今论者很可能就包括弗格森[1]。

于是,有关弗格森是否是历史进步论者的争论就出现了。欧兹-萨兹伯格(Fania Oz-Salzberger)否定了弗格森是历史进步论者的观点,她说:“弗格森的历史是非决定论的,并且是无预期目的的”,与他的同时代人伏尔泰、休谟不同,弗格森认为高度发达的社会将日益沦为未开化社会式的专制。不像黑格尔和马克思,弗格森并没有描述“人类将按照一条必然的道路,奔向美好的未来”[2]20。莱曼(W. C. Lehmann)更是指出弗格森是历史循环论者[3]9。但更多的学者显然是不同意这一观点的。他们仍将弗格森归为历史进步论者行列,高夫(J. W. Gough)在其对《文明社会史论》的书评中较早肯定了弗格森从“野蛮”到“文明”的进步史观[4]。伦德尔(Jane Rendall)则进一步发展了这种观点,认为弗格森并没有像苏格兰启蒙运动中的斯密、穆勒、罗伯逊等人一样将人类历史发展分为四个阶段,而是三个阶段,即野蛮、未开化和文明社会。同斯密重视社会物质发展的进步史观不同,弗格森则更热心评价每种社会给人们提供实现其道德潜能的机会[5]。哈姆尼(Ronald Hamowy)也指出,弗格森虽然在其《文明社会史论》中提到文明社会美德的丧失以及面临的腐化危险,但这种对极端形式进步论的否定并不能说明弗格森是否认人类的自然进步的,弗格森虽然拒绝这种盲目的进步论,但他的进步观念在其《文明社会史论》和其所有道德哲学著作中随处可见[3]9。

尽管弗格森在《文明社会史论》中表现出了很明显的厚古薄今论调,但是有关历史进步的观点仍在启蒙运动思想的主流框架之内,换言之,弗格森仍是一位历史进步论者。不可否认,《文明社会史论》里的确有太多的崇古抑今、借古讽今的言论,他说:“简而言之,只有根据这种天性,我们才能说明为何当舒适、安全的一方以一种更为富足、更为安全的生活诱惑他逃离饥饿、危险时,野人对他漂泊不定、孤立无助的部落还是那么忠贞不渝。正因为如此,每一个希腊人才会对祖国怀有真挚的爱,也正因为如此古罗马人才有矢志不渝的爱国热忱。把这些例子同风靡于商业国家的那种精神作个比较吧。在这种商业国家中,人们可能都全面地经历过个人在保存整个国家的过程中表现出的自私自利。正是在这一点上,我们有时会发现人类是一种孤立的、寂寞的生灵:一旦他找到了一个与他人竞争的目标,他就会为了利益,不惜像对待牲口、对待土地一样地对待他人。”[6]21还有一些历史循环论调:“这种现象使我们达成了这样一种共识:在社会发展过程中,国家会达到我们所说的辉煌的巅峰,这是再自然不过的,正如国家会无法避免地重新归于弱小,默默无闻也是再自然不过的一样。青年人和老年人的形象同样适用于国家。群体像个人一样,也有一段生命历程。它好比一根线,一部分均匀、结实,另一部分用久了就松弛了、崩了,这一切都是命中注定的。”[6]230但如果仅凭此就断定弗格森是否认历史进步论的,甚至是历史循环论者,那就未免失之片面了。因为在《文明社会史论》中,他还多次肯定了历史进步。他说:“对于人类而言,公认的缺点在任何情况下都会令人讨厌。无知和愚昧为他人所鄙视,富有洞察力,品行端正则使人出类拔萃,受到尊重。人类对于这一切的感知和理解到底会将他引向何方呢?毫无疑问是进步。”[6]10他还指出:“自然产物的形成往往是个渐进的过程。植物的生长始于嫩芽,动物的成长始于幼畜。后者是活动的,其能力与活动相长,它们所做的事情取得进展的同时,它们从中获得的能力也提高了。就人类而言,这种发展比任何其他动物的发展都强,可以持续到更高的水平。不仅个人要从幼婴阶段进入成人阶段,而且整个人类也要从野蛮阶段进入文明阶段。”[6]1

这似乎是一个悖论,是弗格森的进步史观前后抵牾吗?

二、弗格森曲线的历史进步观

在《道德政治科学原理》里,弗格森在描述人类历史进步时所提到的一段话或许值得我们注意。弗格森指出,人类的进步“持续的靠近永恒的无限的完美”,然而“它可能就像几何学家所描述的曲线一样,虽然不断的临近一条直线,但却永远也达不到”[7]。不难看出,弗格森在向我们展现人类进步的美丽图景。然而,值得注意的是,弗格森并不认为人类社会的进步是一帆风顺的,他赞成的是一条曲线上升的历史进步,而非像主流启蒙思想家们所肯定的直线进步史观。或许,这种非直线的历史进步观能有助于解释弗格森为什么要在其《文明社会史论》表现出大量的厚古薄今的言论了。

在弗格森看来,人类对大自然赋予的理性的认识和运用是不断完善的,正是这种发展在某种程度上推动了人类历史的进步。他说:“兼有理性和动物自然的生灵不断地被创造出来。但动物自然注定是要消亡的,可理性自然为何不会消亡呢?第一点是必然的。若上代不以死亡为下代让路,那么这个世界就会充满人的躯体。但是,精神的世界却可以永远毫无阻碍地扩展。……人的理智自然的进步,并不限于人的一生。”[8]

弗格森还指出人类的“自然天赋或许是一成不变的。而对这个天赋的运用则在不断变化。多少个世纪以来,人们锲而不舍地努力劳作。他们在前人的基础上向前迈进,经年累月后,他们对天赋的运用就趋于完善了”[6]5。然而,人类理性运用的完善只能保证社会进步中物质财富的不断积累,而对于人类精神持续地发展似乎是无济于事的。这种没有“美德”作为指引的人类的物质进步必将是危险的,最终“将我们带入这样的一幕,为了增加财富,人口,人类受到腐败的侵蚀,无法捍卫自己的财产。最终,他们只好受压迫,走向毁灭。我们为了能够使枝干生长,叶子繁茂,把根切断了”[6]162。可见,在弗格森看来,人类社会的进步标准,不仅体现在人类理性促进的物质进步,更需要人类始终保持崇高的美德,来指引这种物质进步朝着正确的方向发展。而现代工商业文明在一味追求物质财富的同时,却正是日益丧失这种保证人类社会进步避免陷入毁灭的崇高美德。这也就能解释为什么弗格森会如此尊崇野蛮社会的高尚美德,而对现代工商业文明大加批判之辞了。但弗格森并不认为工商业文明国家会在这种道德的沦丧中永远沉沦下去,相反,他认为人类美德和物质进步可以也必然会有机结合起来,他说:“可能是出于这样一种观点,即人的美德是可靠的,一些关注公益事业的人们只想到人口的增长,财富的积累。另外一些人或许是担心腐化堕落,只想以如何保持民族美德。人类社会对这两者都负有重大责任。只是出于谬误,人们把这两者对立了起来。”[6]162而他对曲折性的人类进步的强调,说明美德尽管可能会在人类发展的某些阶段发生缺失,而促使国家或民族的衰落,如古罗马共和国由美德的丧失而最终土崩瓦解[6]230。但是从历史发展的长河来看,美德和物质的进步必将会完美结合起来,人类社会必将在美德的指引下“生存下去,繁荣下去”[6]309。因而,如果将弗格森的进步史观描述为“历史的这种进步只限于物质层面,而在精神层面,人类是趋于堕落的”,可能就是对弗格森有关历史进步看法的误读了[9]20。弗格森对野蛮民族美德的推崇和现代工商业文明的批判,不是对工商业文明的否定,而是一种提醒。他告诫现代工商业国家的人们,物质的进步,必须以美德作为指导,否则就会像晚期的罗马帝国一样,尽管曾经是“照亮整个世界的火炬”,但最终“就像烛台里的小蜡烛一样渐渐黯淡了”[6]230。然而,弗格森将历史分成两层,总体史和国家的历史。不管国家的命运如何,哪怕“国家可能遭受腐化,进而衰落,但历史会不断地进步下去”[10]。

这里需要澄清一个问题。弗格森在《文明社会史论》中对野蛮民族的极力推崇,而对现代工商业的大加批评,促使很多学者将其归因于弗格森特殊的高地背景。*在18世纪启蒙学者推崇理性,简单否定过去的背景下,野蛮民族同未开化时期、中世纪文明一样都被作为是无知和迷信的产品,不值得有知识的人进行研究,或充其量只是作为现代文明的介绍。见Thomas Preston Peardon, The Transition in English Historical Writing, 1760-1830, New York: Columbia University Press, 1933, p.10.而当时的苏格兰高地地区其政治、经济十分落后,同代表高度发达的现代工商业文明的英格兰不可同日而语,在1707年英苏合并后,同英格兰甚至苏格兰低地的差距逐渐增大。因而,高地同野蛮民族一样,相对于18世纪的现代工商业文明,都是贫穷、落后,不值一提的他者。弗格森是18世纪苏格兰唯一一个出生于高地的主要启蒙思想家。一些学者就因此认为,弗格森对野蛮民族的推崇实际上暗含着对其家乡苏格兰高地进行赞扬的诉求。如欧兹-萨兹伯格就指出,《文明社会史论》虽然没有提及其出生地——苏格兰高地的名字,但是弗格森仍然深受苏格兰尤其是高地的影响,弗格森在《文明社会史论》中对与高地相似的原始部落的公民生活做了重要提及,大加赞美,对于高地传奇的远古诗人欧希安(Ossian)*欧希安是传说中苏格兰高地伟大的古代诗人。但对其是否真的存在,学术界一直颇有争议。1760年6月,麦克弗森(James Macpherson)出版了《从盖尔语或厄尔斯语翻译而来,源于苏格兰高地的远古诗片断》。他自称这些古诗来源于一本用苏格兰盖尔语写成的古诗遗稿,而这些遗稿真实地保留了欧希安的诗。紧接着在1761年、1763年,麦克弗森又编辑出版了欧希安的一系列诗,实际上证明了欧希安这位传说中伟大的高地诗人是真实存在的,因而在当时的学界引起了很大的轰动。弗格森、布莱尔(Hugh Blair)、吉本(Edward Gibbon)都对麦克弗森出版的这些古诗表示了很大的兴趣,相信这些古诗确是出于欧希安之手。但麦克弗森这些诗集的真实性也遭到越来越多学者的质疑。肖(William Shaw)在其《有关欧希安真实性的调查》中,更是指责弗格森参与了欧希安古诗集的造假。弗格森为表清白,同肖等质疑他的学者进行了激烈的论辩,最后此事不了了之。,弗格森从未将其视为凭空想象的产物[11]。正是因为他的高地背景,使他坚信远古高地诗人欧希安及其创作的古诗的真实性[2]11。这种观点颇为流行,引来不少追随者,如匹塔克(Murray G. H. Pittock)[12]、阿伦(David Allan)[13],中国一些研究弗格森思想的学者也基本持这种观点[9]。实际上,这些观点值得商榷,如上面提到的欧兹-萨兹伯格就指出,正是因为弗格森的高地背景,才使其对高地传说的远古诗人欧希安表示了极大的热情。的确,弗格森似乎从未怀疑过欧希安的真实性,甚至在麦克弗森死后,他还关心欧希安诗集的出版,但这并不能说明其特殊的高地情感。事实上,通观弗格森的通信集,除了“同普西进行辩论以及回答麦肯锡(Henry Mackenzie)有关高地社会的问题,弗格森的信几乎没有提到欧希安”[15]。在1781年给布莱尔的信中,弗格森明确指出“虽然我从未怀疑过詹姆斯·麦克弗森所出版的诗集的真实性”,但他也从未像很多人那样积极地为麦克弗森的欧希安诗集寻找证据[16]276*需要指出的是,在1798年给麦肯锡的一封信里,他明确指出,伴随着麦克弗森《芬戈》(Fingal)、《泰奥拉》(Tenora)的出版,他也开始怀疑麦克弗森过于随便地拼凑了一些古诗片断。可见弗格森对欧希安并不是盲目支持的,他的态度是相当客观的。见Vincenzo Merolle edited, The Correspondence of Adam Ferguson, London: William Pickering, 1995, p.431.。对他来说,欧希安好像是人类史上很有趣的话题,不是所谓的为苏格兰增添这种自负的荣耀,更别说嫉妒英国的其他地区了[16]76。可见,弗格森对欧希安问题是十分客观的,他没有毫无底线地支持欧希安古诗集的真实性,也从未为了论证欧希安古诗集的真实性投入过很大的精力。需要注意的是,麦克弗森出版的欧希安诗集真实性的问题在当时的英国引起了巨大的争议,布莱尔、休谟、吉本、约翰逊、肖、普西等众多知名学者都卷入了这场争论,甚至在欧洲大陆,欧希安问题也产生了广泛而深远的影响,赫尔德(Johann Gottfried Herder)、歌德(Johann Wolfgang von Goethe)、席勒(Johann Christoph Friedrich von Schiller)都对其表示了很大的热情,拿破仑甚至在随军作战时都要带上欧希安诗歌集[17]。然而,对于产生如此大争议和影响的可以代表高地古老文明的欧希安诗集,出生于高地的弗格森却表现出如此冷静和客观的态度,相比欧兹等学者的观点,这应该更能反映出弗格森并没有特殊的高地情结,而弗格森对欧希安所表现出的一些兴趣,只是因为其是“人类史上很有趣的话题”,而与高地并没有什么关系。由此可见,弗格森的眼光是十分宽广的,他是立足于人类发展史的高度对欧希安的问题表现了一些兴趣,而不是由于其高地背景对麦克弗森的欧希安古诗表示支持的。那些将其归于高地背景的学者,在误读弗格森思想来源的同时,事实上也把弗格森治学的立足点放得太低了。*其他反驳弗格森的思想同其高地背景有联系的观点,可参考:John D. Brewer, “Ferguson’s Epistolary Self”, in Eugene Heath and Vincenzo Merolle edited, Adam Ferguson: History, Progress and Human Nature, London: Pickering﹠Chatto, 2008. John Robertson, “An Essay on the History of Civil Society by Adam Ferguson”, History Workshop Journal, No.44, p.256. Jane B. Fagg, “Biographical Introduction”, in Vincenzo Merolle edited, The Correspondence of Adam Ferguson, London: William Pickering, 1995, p.lxxii.

由《文明社会史论》,我们可以看到,弗格森对“野蛮民族”和“现代文明”的不同态度是源于二者在美德方面的不同。在弗格森看来,前者具有崇高的美德,因而受到肯定。后者日益丧失这种美德,因而受到批评。也就是说,美德是弗格森评价历史不同发展阶段的最重要标准,理性倒被放在次要的地位了。然而,18世纪的启蒙思想家们多是无限地拔高理性的作用,以致于“一切都必须在理性的法庭面前为自己的存在作辩护或者放弃存在的权利”[18]。那么,弗格森的历史进步观中又何以如此突出美德的重要性呢?我们认为,至少同下列几种因素有关:

第一,源于他的政治思想。弗格森深受市民人文主义和古典共和主义两种共和思潮的影响。而这两种思潮的核心理念之一,就是强调“美德”在社会生活中的重要性[9]44。这种政治思想直接影响到他在考察人类历史发展进程时,凸显“美德”的重要性,而与主流思想家们对理性的推崇形成了鲜明的反差。我们还可以看到,在《罗马共和国兴衰史》中,弗格森对历史人物和事件的评判也多受这种政治思想的影响[19]。

第二,同他对历史的考察有关。作为历史学家的弗格森,惯于从历史中解决相应的问题。如他指出关于“文明社会”的起源问题,不应“提出种种猜想”,而应从自然历史学家所搜集的事实中去获取答案。自然历史学家“对于世界物质系统能知道多少取决于事实的收集,或者说,充其量不过取决于基于特别的观察和实验总结出来的总的原则”[6]3。关于人性问题,弗格森同样认为这“必须在人类史中寻求答案”[6]3。在1776年给吉本的信中,他就明确说,《罗马共和国兴衰史》的主要目的就是要研究人性[16]141,对于历史的进步什么是最主要的保障或推动力,弗格森同样诉诸于对历史的考察。在《文明社会史论》中,我们可以频频看到弗格森对古代国家兴衰的探究。他认为,“斯巴达因其廉正之风被破坏”,被“带入未开化时代那种肆无忌惮的恶行溪流中”,最终导致斯巴达的灭亡[6]179。在对罗马共和国兴衰的考察时,他同样认为,罗马共和国的繁荣是美德所带来的结果,但也正是因为最终丧失美德,导致了它的灭亡。可见,从对具体历史事件的考察中,弗格森得出“美德”的存失关乎民族兴衰的思想,而这种观念又被弗格森上升到对整个人类历史发展进程的考察上,这或许可以解释弗格森的历史进步观中为何如此突出美德的作用了。

最后,同苏格兰启蒙思想家对理性的态度有关。与法国启蒙思想家对理性的过分彰扬不同,苏格兰启蒙运动的思想家对理性普遍持一种低调的态度。他们认为“理性本身没有本领创造出来完全合乎理性的未来。理性本身根本就没有这样的能力”[20]。这种肯定理性作用有限性的思想背景,也为弗格森在历史进步观中抬高美德的作用提供了有益的启发。

三、弗格森美德保证的历史进步如何成为可能?

弗格森的历史进步观中有一个明显的问题有待解答,即弗格森如此强调美德在历史进步中的重要作用,乃至于把它置于理性之上,作为保证历史进步的最重要因素。弗格森又是主张历史进步的,也就是说,在弗格森看来,在人类历史发展的长河中,这种美德是可以占据主导地位的,是能同人类社会有机结合起来的。否则,历史的进步就会变得不可能。那读者自然会问,我们又怎能保证美德在历史发展进程中一定会占据主导地位,一定会同人类社会有机结合呢?换言之,这种主导地位的确立,这种有机结合如何成为可能?弗格森本人在《文明社会史论》中多有论述的罗马共和国、斯巴达,包括他大加批判的现代工商业文明国家,不就发生了美德缺失的现象,从而陷入危机甚至导致毁灭的结果了吗?如果这种美德的存在,在人类历史发展进程中不能占据主导地位,而是存在着极大的偶然性,时断时续,那弗格森关于人类历史是趋于进步的预想岂不成了一种妄言了?显得那么的脆弱和无法保证。对此,弗格森似乎并没有明确的阐释。当然,这并不代表弗格森对这种美德保证的历史进步观如何成为可能没有进行周密的建构。相反,如果我们对弗格森关于人性的观点进行认真解读,似乎可以再现弗格森关于这一问题的逻辑建构。当然,这就需要另作探讨了。

综上,弗格森是历史进步论者,在这一点上,他和18世纪启蒙思想家的主流观点并无不同。但是,他同时又认为这种历史进步不可能是直线上升的,而是呈现出一种曲折式的发展,他一方面肯定了理性在推动人类物质财富进步的巨大作用,但另一方面,他并没有像伏尔泰、孔多塞等思想家一样过分夸大理性的作用,认为通过理性就可以在人间建立一个千年福王国。这一点应是秉承了苏格兰启蒙思想家对理性普遍低调的态度。尤为难能可贵的是,他意识到了人类精神风貌即美德的重要性,在追求物质财富进步的同时,绝不能丧失人类对政治事务积极参与的精神和公益精神。否则,相关的民族、国家及相伴的物质进步就会陷入危险境地,甚至走向衰亡。民族要长久“生存下去”、“繁荣下去”,最终还需要美德的引导,“除了美德,别无依靠”。[6]309他对人类社会发展进程中美德所起的重要作用的深刻认识,不仅超越了其同时代的启蒙思想家,而且更是为两百多年后,现代文明国家由于物质进步跨越式发展,同精神文明建设蜗行牛步移动之间的严重不协调,而导致的众多社会问题的解决提供了重要的启示,即如何去更合理地平衡物质进步同精神文明之间的关系,建设一个更美好的未来。

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[6] (英)亚当·弗格森.文明社会史论[M].林本椿,王绍祥,译.沈阳:辽宁教育出版社,1999.

[7] Adam Ferguson. The Principles of Moral and Political Science[M]. London: A. Strahan and T. Cadell, 1792: 184-185.

[8] (英)亚当·弗格森.道德哲学原理[M].孙飞宇,田耕,译.上海:上海人民出版社,2005:63.

[9] 翟宇.论苏格兰启蒙思想家弗格森的政治思想[D].长春:吉林大学,2007.

[10] Jeng-Guo S. Chen. Providence and Progress: The Religious Dimension in Ferguson’s Discussion of Civil Society. In Eugene Heath and Vincnzo Merolle (Eds.), Adam Ferguson: History, Progress and Human Nature[C]. London: Pickering﹠Chatto, 2008: 184.

[11] Fania Oz-Salzberger. Adam Ferguson’s Histories in Germany: English Liberty, Scottish Vigour, and German Rigour. In Benedikt Stuchtey and Peter Wende (Eds.), British and German Historiography, 1750-1950, Traditions, Perceptions, and Transfers[C]. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000: 56.

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On the Combination of Historical Facts and Theories in Educational Research

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Development of Questionnaire on Mental Health Service Providers’ Core Competencies

ZHANG Ai-lian HUANG Xi-ting(107)

The core competencies of mental health service providers are the basic competencies that all mental health service providers should possess. The preliminary test questionnaire is made on the basis of initial structure of the mental health services providers’ competency obtained through the interviews with experts in mental health service areas and literature analysis. The exploratory factor analysis of the 905 valid questionnaires obtained from 30 provinces, municipalities and autonomous regions showed that, the core competencies of mental health service providers contain five factors, namely general traits, professional qualities, knowledge accomplishment, professional skills and professional ethics. The confirmatory factor analysis supports the structure of the questionnaire on mental health service providers’ competency. Combined with the results of reliability analysis, it indicates that the questionnaire on mental health service providers’ competency is of good reliability and validity.

The Cultural Differences in Workplace Bullying: Based on the Analysis of National Culture

FU Mei-yun Ma Hua-wei YUE Guo-an(113)

Currently, the descriptive researches on workplace bullying, including terminology, incidence, perpetrators and the way of bullying, differ from culture to culture all over the world,. Through the comparison of the cross-cultural researches, we may find that culture, as a series of values, beliefs, attitudes and norms shared by people, influences people’s acceptance and interpretation of workplace bullying and the targets’ reaction in a certain extent. Future researches could further explore culture differences in workplace bullying from the aspects of intervention mechanism, organizational culture and dynamic construction of culture.

Huanzhu Louzhuan’sStoriesofSwordsmenfromShushan

and the Post Buxiaosheng Age of Swordsman Fictions in the Republic of China

HANG Yun-bo(127)

In the course of swordsman fiction of the Republic of China, the novel Stories of Swordsmen from Shushan,whosecompositionspannedeighteenyears,wasarareexamplewithitsowntextualfeatures.Byempiricalclassification,thisnovelcanberesearchedasanepitomeofswordsmanfictionoftheRepublicofChinainthreedimensions:commentonmanandworld,serialform,andplotstructure.TheresearchonthisnovelcanbedevelopedintothehistoryoftheRepublicofChina’smiddleage,thustheviewangleofthe“PostBuxiaoshengAge”canbeintroduced.Justliketheviewangleof“PostJinYongAge”,italsooffersaviewtothelogicpointsandlogiclineoftheinheritanceandinnovationofswordsmanfictions.

Anecdotes about Boxing Series:AHarbingerofModernMartialArtsNovels

CAIAi-guo(139)

Anecdotes about Boxing Seriesisafictionseriescomposedbyworkswithsimilarnamesandfromseveralwriters.ItstartswiththebookofAnecdotesaboutBoxing,acollectionofclassicalChineseshortstorieswrittenbyLinShu.TheseriesweremainlypublishedintheearlyyearsofRepublicofChina.TheyfocusedontheperformanceofKungFu,andintroducedaseriesofmartialartsintonovels.TheyalsocontributedavarietyofvaluablethoughtstothequestionfromKungFumanofdealingwithrelationsamonghumanbeingsandbetweenindividualandsociety.Asaharbinger,theseriesworkslaidafoundationforthemodernmartialartsnovels.

EvaluationfromHistory:LossandtheWayoutinModernLiteraryHistoryCompilation

LIUBao-chang(148)

Thecompilationofthemodernliteraryhistoryhasgonethroughalongtimeforninetyyears,butitisstillfarfrombeingmature.Theimmaturityisseeninmanyaspects,suchasthetimeofthemodernliterature,stagesofmodernliteraturehistory,thevisualfieldinthemodernliteraturehistory,theapplicationfieldofMarxhistoricalcriticismandaestheticcriticism,historicalevaluationofmodernwriters,settingstructureofthemodernliterature,evaluationofthemodernliterature,themodernliteratureresearchmethods,andsoon,eventhenameofitselfbecomesasuspenseproblem.However, “monism”isthecharacteristicofthemodernliteraryhistorybehindallthesechaos.Todiscardtheconceptsof“evolution”, “classtheory”, “newdemocracy”, “modernity”,andopenourmindsinbothfields,especiallyforthelocaltraditionalculture,weshouldkeepanopenattitudenotonlytothenewculturaltradition,butalsototheChinesetraditionalculture.

OntheGrowthandMaturityofTown-narrativeNovels

ZHOUShui-tao(156)

Narrativenovelsaboutsmalltownsinthelate1990sshowastablestyleform.Ithasbecomeanovelsubclass.Thematuringofthetown-narrativehasobviousmarkerswhichcanbedividedintotwokinds:theinneroneandtheexternalone.Thestylisticinnermarkerofmaturityisthatthetown-narrativehasestablishedthreeparticularnarrativeplatesinpolitics,economyandculture,withtheuniquetowncharactersandtownhistoriestoexpresstheuniquetheme.Theexternalmarkerofmatureisthattownnarrativehasitsownstable“coreauthorgroup”,whichismadebyalargenumberofauthorsandalargenumberofworksdemonstratedthetownsdirectly.Itisthetown’sowndevelopmentandthedeepeningofauthors’townconsciousnessthatpromotesthematurityofnarrativestyle.Ouracademicsignoredthestylisticclassificationofthenarrativenovelsandthecharacteristicsoftheliterarystyleofsmalltowns.

ParishRitualandCommunityIdentityinEarlyModernLondon

DENGYun-qing(170)

Englandaccomplishedsocialtransformationinthecontextofsocialstabilityinthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies.Theconsolidationofcommunityidentitywasoneoftheimportantpremisesoftheresult.FromtheLondonexperience,ritualsplayedanimportantroleinthepromotionofparishidentityandrealizationofsocialstability.Intherapidexpansionofpopulationsize,andlackofresourcesinthecaseofthechurchrituals,ritualsofLondonparishesmaintainedahigherlevelofoverallattendance.Londonparishionerswerereadytoattendchurchritualsinordertopursuenotonlyreligiousfaithbutalsosocialpower,poorreliefandother.

HeresywithintheFrameoftheEnlightenmentProgressiveThought

——AReviewofFerguson’sViewofCurveHistoricalProgress

YAOZheng-ping(175)

Fergusonthoughtthehistorywasprogressive,buthadplentyofnotionsaboutesteemingthepastoverthepresentinhishistoricalworks,whichcausedfiercedebateamongmanyscholarsaboutwhetherFergusonwasprogressionist.Infact,Fergusonadvocatedakindofcurvehistoricalprogress.SomescholarsattributedFerguson’snotionofesteemingthepastoverthepresenttohishighlandpassion.Actually,itdidn’thavespecialassociationwithhishighlandbackground.Hisideaofstressingthepastwasbecauseheattachedimportancetothevirtue.Thatheunderlinedthefunctionofvirtuewheninvestigatingthehumanhistoricalprocesswascloselyassociatedwithhispoliticalthought,hisstudyforthehistoryandtheScottishEnlightenmentthinkers’attitudetotherationalism.However,howdidthehistoricalprogresspromotedbythevirtuebecomepossible?Fergusondidn’tgivespecificexplanationdirectly.

责任编辑 张颖超

S

K091

A

1673-9841(2014)02-0175-06

一、弗格森是历史进步论者吗?

2013-01-20

姚正平,北京师范大学历史文化学院,博士研究生。

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